That Malicious Age(1975)
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That Malicious Age(1975)
There is no question that the Italian CP leader Enrico Berlinguer and his colleagues have been urging precisely such a withdrawal Have not the Italian CP leaders been warning Cunhal all along to take his place as a minority in a peaceful, constitutional, "democratic" way and make a Portuguese-style "historic compromise" like the one Berlinguer is so desperately trying to accomplish in Italy?
To round out the events as they are unfolding in this tense political crisis, the headquarters of the CP in Rio Maior (a small town 25 miles north of Lisbon), has been burned down to the ground by a counter-revolutionary mob to the malicious joy of all the rightists. And none of those who are now suddenly fighting for "democracy" took note of this infraction of democracy.
Freedom of the press! The fact that the workers, led to a very limited extent by the CP, took over the establishment of Republica (which incidentally is privately owned), locked the door, and wouldn't let the publishers in. But this takeover coincided with hundreds of others by Portuguese workers in other areas of the working class struggle, which explains why so much workers' control of industry prevails as of now in Portugal (see WW article, June 27).
Never has an issue such as the closing of the Republica newspaper had such a magical effect on rallying the worldwide bourgeoisie. Offers of financial support "have come from all over the world and things have gone so far that there was a suggestion that Western European and American newspapers might make a direct contribution for a newspaper to be edited by Raul Rego" (the former owner of Republica), says the Washington Post of July 15.
Has there ever been a genuinely socialist publication that could get the support of the Pentagon, the CIA, the White House, Wall Street, and the Bound? Yet even a retired U.S. Chief of Naval Operations is publicly soliciting funds for Republica. Admiral Elmo Zumwalt signed his name to an ad in the New York Times for such purposes (July 13), and Zumwalt was none other than Nixon's Chief of Naval Operations.
Indeed, the U.S. ruling class is working overtime on all cylinders getting everybody to do their bit to reverse the situation in Portugal. Even bankers have been enlisted to act as errand boys for the CIA so that "freedom could prevail." Tad Szulc, the former New York Times Washington Bureau Chief, says in an article in the August Penthouse magazine that "early this year several American bankers were asked by personal friends in the CIA to handle a delivery of special funds in Spain and Portugal." Some, of course, refused. It would violate the tradition that the CIA does the errand boy work for the bankers, and not vice versa. But on this special occasion, some of the bankers agreed to cooperate in the spirit of "national interest."
Why special funds in Spain and Portugal? It was not for nothing that Ford on May 30 condescended to embrace Franco in public. For it is there in Spain that the so-called Portuguese Liberation Army, a band of cutthroats, mercenaries, and scum of the earth, are being trained for a counter-revolutionary invasion. It should not be forgotten that the Mutual Assistance Treaty signed between Franco and Salazar in 1939 had in mind precisely such a situation as exists in Portugal today.
The other two reasons the magazine gives are the troops expected to return from Mozambique and the former high commissioner there, Admiral Vitor Crespo. It has been widely speculated that the latter is a possible alternative to Premier Goncalves.
None of them seem to have noticed that at all. Where were they all when the Spinolaists were planning to launch their second coup last March? Were they alerting the public in Portugal to mount the barricades? Were they getting ready to send bundles for the freedom fighters on the barricades who halted the Spinolaist fascist assault?
Soares and his colleagues are merely preparing the groundwork for the counter-revolution. They are transitional, intermediate, and temporary figures to hold the fort until ... ! Soares' bourgeois allies among the Popular Democrats are more conscious of their mission than he is. As are the representatives of U.S. imperialism like C.L. Sulzberger, part of the oligarchy that owns and edits the New York Times. Now in Lisbon, he quotes Soares as telling him, "I think we must use foreign help." (New York Times, July 16.)
It should not be assumed that Cunhal is rejecting all compromise with the bourgeoisie and is all out for the dictatorship of the proletariat, as a superficial reading of his interview with Oriana Fallaci would indicate. But he does appear to be utterly uncompromising in the struggle against any bourgeois parliament which would be a screen for a later fascist takeover.
Granted that some limited rapprochement with the army in the struggle against the Caetano-Salazar regime was inevitable, given the circumstances that the military had for a considerable period been preparing for the overthrow of the fascist regime.
These commissions can properly be described as "committees for the defense of the revolution," such as the Cubans developed. Of course they are subject to the approval of the existing military regime. But it does not take a great deal of political acumen to see that these committees can also be the foundation for a broad, popular, mass-based struggle against the counterrevolution.
The fact that the government validated them lends them legality but does not necessarily exclude their independent action during the course of the struggle. Certainly the counter-revolutionary elements who have been observing these developments in the country are not blind to this either. Should these committees at long last be set, up and begin functioning on a mass basis, they will contain the very same soldiers, workers, and neighborhood people in the various communities who were responsible in the main for warding off the counter-revolutionary fascist attempts of last September and March. These were organized by the Portuguese CP, its allies and mass organizations.
Although the Militant article maintains that the SP is just as bad as the CP, it is nevertheless a thousand times more for a corrupt, imperialist-controlled social democracy than for the CP. Jerry Foley writing in a previous installment in the Militant considered the electoral victory of the SP as a real opening for "socialism."
But that election also opened wide the gates for the counterrevolution. That is the lesson of bourgeois parliamentarism. It does not negate the necessity of working class parties to utilize elections when necessary and appropriate, but they must never become captives of parliamentary cretinism, prisoners of bourgeois democratic illusions.
While we have consistently criticized the CP for its policies in Portugal, and in no way share the position on the military held by the CP, in the crucial battle that is unfolding we are completely with them and with all the other working class organizations that are sure to take the brunt of the bourgeois counter-revolutionary assault once it is unleashed. We only hope that this time the counter-revolution will not only be thrust back, but that the CP and its allies will break out of the limitations imposed by their alliance with the military and will push through, along with other working class organizations a full-scale proletarian revolution and end slavery to monopoly capitalism once and for all.
The book is written with great ability, marred only by those hard words which break no bones and are more damaging to those who use them than to their-intended victims. We have been more severe than usual, not without pain to ourselves, in our notice of this volume, because we hold it to be our duty to protect the young photographer from false doctrine that may be prejudicial to him in the exercise of his art. In face of this imminent danger we can no longer hesitate about expressing our opinion. Amicus Plato, amicus Socrates, sed magis amica veritas. While giving Dr. Emerson all credit for sincerity, we cannot help feeling that his system is pernicious, and tending to lead the amateur into slovenly ways, and into a habit of excusing bad photography by calling it good art. This is epidemical. It is not a new disease, for it has broken out many times, and we feel it to be the imperative duty of a journal like our own to produce a disinfectant, and stop the disorder. . . .
The duty, or it should be said, the custom of a majority of the reviewers of a scientific work is to look at the table of contents, read the preface, and write a review from the information picked up in this way, damning and praising the book according to his own sweet fancy, and according to the highness of the name of the author. Naturalistic Photography, however, cannot be treated in this way, for as it is a book thoroughly unique, and, as some would think, unorthodox in matters of art, it has to be read through before an opinion of its value can be expressed. ... In the first division, on naturalism in pictorial and glyptic art, we have an instructive, historical and critical notice of ancient art, commencing with the Egyptian and ending with Modern Art. This has been carefully thought out, and conveys to the reader a synopsis of the subject in fewer pages than we could have conceived possible. ... It will not do to linger over each chapter, but we are glad to find . . . that the author takes the same view we do regarding the truth of instantaneous pictures. They may be true scientifically, showing us positions at the moment when the image was impressed, but they are false artistically as conveying the impression which the eye sees. The remarks on . . . retouching are also what we heartily agree on, and which we should have expected from the pen of such a master of the art as Dr. Emerson. They should be read by all, and digested by those who carry out retouching beyond its legitimate functions. 041b061a72